The University Seminar on Modern Japan at Columbia University

2008-05-22T12:11:00.010-04:00

Conference:
Economic Thought in Early Modern Japan
June 26-27, 2009
Venue: Bonhoeffer Room in the Union Theological Seminary
Sponsored by the University Seminar on Modern Japan at Columbia University

The papers will be pre-circulated in order to allow maximum discussion.

Friday, June 26: 1 PM – 5 PM
Bonhoeffer Room

ETHAN SEGAL (Harvard University). “Money and the State: Medieval Precursors of the Early Modern Economy”
(Discussant: Ronald Frank, Pace University)

YAJIMA MICHIFUMI (Kantō Gakuin, Japan). “‘Mercantilism’ in Early Modern Japan: Trade and agricultural policy under the national isolation
(Discussant: Robert Horres, Tübingen University)

JAN SYKORA (Charles University, Prague). “Economic thought of Shōji Kōki and the Tempō Reforms in Saga Domain”
(Discussant: Mark Metzler, UT Austin)

GREGORY SMITS (Pennsylvania State University). “Guiding Horses Using Rotten Reins: Economic Thought in the Eighteenth-century Kingdom of Ryukyu”
(Discussant: David Howell, Princeton)

Saturday, June 27: 9 AM – 12:30 PM
Bonhoeffer Room

KAWAGUCHI HIROSHI (Waseda University). “Economic Thought Concerning Freedom and Control”
(Discussant: Gregory Smits, Penn State)

OCHIAI KŌ (Hiroshima Shūdō University). “The shift to domestic sugar production and the ideology of ‘national interest’”
(Discussant: Jan Sykora, Charles University)

BETTINA GRAMLICH-OKA (Columbia University). “A Domain Doctor and Shogunal Politics”
(Discussant: David Howell, Princeton)

12:30 PM – 2 PM LUNCH

2:00 PM – 5 PM

ISHII SUMIYO (Keiō University, Japan). “Economic thought as a basis of economic activities: a case study of a local entrepreneur in the Meiji era”
(Discussant: Robert Horres, Tübingen University)

MARK RAVINA (Emory University). “Confucian banking: the community granary (shasō) in rhetoric and practice”
(Discussant: Gregory Smits, Penn State)

MARK METZLER (University of Texas, Austin): “Policy Fields, Polarities, and Regimes”
(Discussant: Bettina Gramlich-Oka, Columbia)

DISCUSSION

Abstracts:

ETHAN SEGAL (Harvard University)
“Money and the State:Medieval Precursors of the Early Modern Economy”

Modern scholars quite correctly recognize the important economic advances that took place during the early Tokugawa period. For the first time in centuries, Japan had a central government that provided peace and stability, minted coins, and built infrastructure. Intellectuals and officials debated fiscal policy and currency reform and the use of money penetrated to all levels of society as goods and labor became commercialized. It is in part due to this high level of economic expansion and the rise of an urban commoner class that some scholars refer to the Edo period as early modern rather than pre-modern. But what of the medieval economy that preceded the seventeenth century? Medieval Japanese never enjoyed the prosperous economy of the Edo period, but there are clear signs of economic growth and monetary use from the twelfth through sixteenth centuries. Did Tokugawa developments build upon, or have any connection to, earlier economic institutions and ideas? This paper addresses intellectual and institutional aspects of Japan’s medieval economy in hopes of stimulating discussion on the relationship between medieval and Tokugawa economic developments. Specifically, the paper focuses on imported copper cash, domestic bills of exchange, and evolving notions of tokusei as points of connection with the Edo economy. One goal of the paper is to call renewed attention to the use of cash and bills in medieval Japan and to look at the ways in which elites as well as commoners understood the role of money in their society. A second goal is to explore how medieval Japan’s economy grew in spite of a weak central government that did not always support trade, credit, and the use of money. A third goal is to examine the ways in which the early modern economy included some degree of continuity with the medieval. Although highlighting these points of continuity is not intended to minimize the significant changes that occurred in the seventeenth century, it does suggest that medieval thought and practice may have left a legacy to early modern Japan that is helpful in understanding the Tokugawa era.

YAJIMA MICHIFUMI (Kantō Gakuin, Japan)

“‘Mercantilism’ in early modern Japan:trade and agricultural policy under national isolation”

Existing research to date on the relationship between ‘mercantilism’ and economic thought in Japan has not fully explored the problems of methodology and definition created by applying the term in the early modern Japanese context. Given that since its beginnings with the French physiocrats and Adam Smith ’mercantilism’ has come to take on variety of meanings in the Western European context, what does it mean to say that mercantilist thought influenced Japan?
Work by recent scholars of early modern Europe, including Vine and Magnuson, has suggested a model in which concern with the universal problems faced by early modern nations, mainly the drive to increase national (military) power and national wealth, led to a variety of different political measures in England, France, and Germany. If it is possible to apply “mercantilism” in Europe to a variety of individual paths, then its application to early modern Japan becomes possible as well, even considering unique aspects of Japan’s foreign policy, such as the national isolation system. If one of the premises of mercantilism (broadly defined) is the pursuit of wealth, then we can see that Japan’s bakuhan polity, too, shared this notion of gaining "national wealth" and prosperity for the country.
This paper will discuss the characteristics of what might be termed “Japanese mercantilism”. On the one hand, "Japanese mercantilism" was shaped around the political thought of foreign trade policies similar to the Western model; on the other, practical policies towards the pursuit of national wealth relied on agricultural production and administration, which allowed self-sufficiency in terms of food and thus made the "national isolation system" possible.　In other words, "Japanese mercantilism" had an agricultural character, and its interaction with the seclusion policy meant that it did not include elements of militarization or colonization.

JAN SYKORA (Charles University, Prague)

“Economic Thought of Shōji Kōki and the Tempō Reforms inSaga Domain”

The economic problems Saga domain tackled with on the eve of the nineteenth century showed several common features related to the late Tokugawa society - declining tax revenue and other incomes, huge expenditures due to alternate attendance and the necessity of maintaining the mansion in Edo, rising loans, which resulted in a self-destructive spiral of indebtedness, the harmful effect of domain paper currency, etc. Compared to both the shogunate government and the majority of domains, Saga-han coped with the problems rather successfully. The sweeping reforms implemented by young hanshu, Lord Nabeshima Naomasa, since 1835 became a platform for introducing and operating the first reverberating furnace (hansharo) in Japan with which Saga domain successfully manufactured heavy artillery and opened the door for the implementation of the policy of “the rich country with the strong army” in early Meiji period. Although the leading role in the sketching and elaborating of these plans was played by a group of domain intellectuals of samurai origin with Naomasa’s advisor, Koga Kokudō, as the central figure, one cannot omit the partial role of the commoners represented by a wealthy merchant from Arita, Shōji Kōki 正司考祺 (1793 - 1857), whose main writings are included in both Nihon keizai sōsho and Nihon keizai taiten. The paper will focus on Koki’s main economic ideas and on his role in the initial stage of the Tempō Reforms in Saga domain.

GREGORY SMITS (Pennsylvania State University)
“Guiding Horses Using Rotten Reins: Economic Thought in the Eighteenth-century Kingdom of Ryukyu.”

Ryukyu can serve an excellent point of comparison in a volume on Tokugawa-era Japanese intellectual thought. Although the island kingdom was not formally part of Japan, it was under the domination of Satsuma at this time. Ryukyu also maintained direct ties to China. Intellectually, the kingdom was open to prevailing currents of Chinese and Japanese thought. In the political and economic realms, Ryukyu's situation was often precarious, which was conducive to economic thought grounded in concrete problems and experience. Although kinsei Ryukyu was home to many intellectual and literary figures, the prominent economic theorist was Sai On (1682-1761), who was also the most powerful politician during the first half of the eighteenth century.
A Confucian scholar, Sai On's ultimate stated goal was to create a society conducive to bringing forth the best in each of its members, regardless of social station. Like a typical Confucian, Sai On's highest ideal was personal and social moral excellence. He realized, however, that a morally superior society could not exist without a firm economic base. This firm economic base depended on a government that intervened actively and intelligently in economic matters. Social complexity meant that the state should set broad goals, create infrastructure, provide valuable information, and utilize the profit motive to nudge people to adopt a longer-term vision of the future. For Sai On, the market was a powerful force that a skillfully governed state could guide but not control with a heavy hand. He likened the process of governing to guiding a galloping horse using rotten reins.
This paper examines Sai On's economic thought in the context of Ryukyuan society of the early eighteenth century. I take as my main focus a close reading of Sai On's essay Essentials of Governance 図治要伝, (Ch. Tuzhi yaozhuan, Jp. Toji yōden) to explain the main features of Sai On's economic thought, its relationship to the conditions of Ryukyuan society, and its intellectual context. I also compare Sai On's ideas with major trends in Japanese economic thought. For example, whereas some Japanese thinkers advocated reliance on merchant expertise for guiding economic policy, Sai On argued that, while commercial activity itself was of great value to society, only government officials were―or should be―positioned to act in the best interests of society as a whole and formulate policies accordingly. Naturally, to do their jobs effectively, government officials must study the technical details of key industries. Sai On himself spent months in the rugged mountains of northern Okinawa studying forestry techniques and other aspects of agricultural production.

KAWAGUCHI HIROSHI (Waseda University)
“Economic Thought Concerning Freedom and Control”

Throughout history, economic markets have existed as a function of both free circulation of goods and various forms of control over economic activity. In this sense, freedom and control always accompany each other. The manner in which people have conceived and negotiated relations between free circulation and control are specific to time and place. From the viewpoint of economic thought, this paper examines the interplay of freedom and control in early modern Japan. Representative examples of early modern Confucian and Buddhist thought indicate the emergence of a viewpoint that valued economic activity as a social good and understood all economic actors in society as an interconnected network.

OCHIAI KŌ (Hiroshima Shūdō University)
“The rise of domestic sugar production and the ideology of 'the national interest’”

This paper is an introduction to the changes caused by shifting from imported sugar to domestic sugar production in Japan in the latter part of the Tokugawa era (1600-1867). It also assesses the historical significance of this change in policy, which was conceived by the Tokugawa Shogunate, by clans, and by the general populace.
Almost all sugar was imported from overseas in the early Tokugawa period, and little was produced domestically, with the partial exception of brown sugar in Satsuma province. Motivated by growing concerns about the declining supplies of gold and silver caused by the balance of overseas exports, several key shogunal reformers (including the eighth shogun Tokugawa Yoshimune and the tenth shogun’s grand chamberlain Tanuma Okitsugu) pushed for increased domestic sugar production. In the second half of the Tokugawa era (the first half of the 19th century), the level of domestic sugar production increased in south-western Honshu, Kyushu, and the Okinawa islands.
Not only did the domestic sugar policy influence the development of cash crops, but it also affected the ideas of the people and the form of government. Spread on a popular level by figures like the herbalist Tamaru Ransui and the village head Ikegami Torozaemon, the shift to domestic sugar production resulted in a growing tendency for farmers to pay tax in money from sugar sales, rather than in grain, which undermined the traditional feudal tax system. On both popular and governmental levels, domestic sugar production was conceived in terms of the concept of ‘national interest’ and linked to the need to increase national wealth; paradoxically, it thus both fell in line with one of the key ideologies underpinning the Tokugawa state, and also shook its feudal foundations.

BETTINA GRAMLICH-OKA (Columbia University)
“A Domain Doctor and Shogunal Politics”

Is there a way to reconstruct the decision making of shogunal economic policies, or the economic thought behind these policies? Since written sources do not illustrate process and reason, circumvention may be a strategy to approach the many closed gates of the Edo castle. Recently, the sociologist Eiko Ikegami has introduced the idea of viewing social networks as “enclave publics,” which combine and integrate the pleasure quarters, the theater, private academies, and poetry salons. In my larger research I take this concept further and argue that these public enclaves, or networks, were also the sites, or antechambers, of political and economic discussion and, by extension, of political and economic thought. Charles Tilly suggests focusing on transactions among persons rather than on the cultural consciousness of the actors, a path that I will pursue in a larger study as well. For the purpose of this paper, the idea of the network will guide me, though I will focus on only one political actor, whose social relations made his proposals known, discussed, and pursued in shogunal policies. By highlighting the author’s writings in concurrence with shogunal politics we gain insight into the interactions among officials, the government and political actors.
In the fifth month of 1784, one of the most powerful men in the shogunate at the time, Tanuma Okitsugu 田沼意次 (1719–1788), took up a proposal called Akaezo fūsetsukō 赤蝦夷風説考 (Thoughts on Rumors about Kamchatka, 1781–1783). In the account, the author Kudō Heisuke 工藤平助 (1734–1800) advocates the development and colonization of Ezo 蝦夷 (today’s Hokkaido), which would indeed change the future of the northern frontier. The Sendai domain physician Kudō Heisuke expressed his economic thought further in another account, which deals with the foreign trade in Nagasaki, calling here for immediate reform. By examining Heisuke’s political and economic ideas of “national” political and economic boundaries as they are exposed in the proposals, the actors he shared them with and the associated political practices, I call attention to the particular site of the network in which shogunal policies during the Tanuma period were formed. This paper seeks to explore, albeit in a preliminary way, the question of what we can learn about shogunal policies and political economy and their ideological underpinnings from such brief encounters of otherwise undisclosed political decision making.. Thereby we can not only win a greater understanding but also obtain a more complex picture of the late Tokugawa period, in which continuation and changes of shogunal policies pursued in the 1780s were perpetuated in the following decades.

ISHII SUMIYO (Keiō University, Japan)
“Economic thought as a basis for economic activities: a case study of a local entrepreneur in the Meiji era”

This article aims to examine the relationship between economic thought and economic activities, focusing on a local entrepreneur who engaged mainly in indigenous industries in the Meiji era.
Itō Yōzō (1864-1934) was born in Tōtōmi province, and adopted into the Itō family, a local land-owning family. His worldview involved an inseparable relationship between an individual and the network of human relationships that makes up society; as a primary goal, every individual must act to develop society. Yōzō put these ideas into concrete practice, viewing his economic activities as a means for developing home, region and nation; he devoted himself to the family business of agriculture and to regional businesses like railway enterprise, which promoted local economic growth. Yōzō provides an instructive example of an entrepreneur who was motivated by specific structures of social and economic thought, yielding a case study that illustrates one possible set of connections between economic theory and practice.

MARK RAVINA (Emory University)
“Confucian banking:the community granary (shasō) in rhetoric and practice”

The shasō 社倉, or community granary, was a type of relief storehouse common in Tokugawa-era. Nominally based on the writings of Zhu Xi, the storehouses were originally designed to provide food relief during harvest failures. But the granaries also made loans, using the interest payments to build up their reserves, and Zhu Xi’s writings provided support for this practice. In the Tokugawa economy, some shasō began to function more as banks than relief granaries, and by the 18th century, reformers were advocating shasō in order to restore or sustain active credit markets 融通. The shasō thus allowed reformers to engage the problems of a market economy within the language of Song-era moral philosophy

MARK METZLER (University of Texas, Austin)
“Policy Fields, Polarities, and Regimes”

In the background of movements in economic thought, and often in the foreground, lie fluctuations and structural shifts in the larger macroeconomy. Conversely, economic thought, applied as policy, shapes macroeconomic movements. In order to theorize this double movement, and to bring the contributions in this volume into a single view, this chapter outlines some conjunctural (or fluctuating) and developmental (or linear/structural) aspects of Japanese macroeconomy over the long run. It first offers an account of macroeconomic trend periods, referring especially to monetary movements in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It then connects this chronology to a hypothesized picture of shifting intellectual/policy fields and shifting polarities within them. One classic policy polarity, for example, is found in the alternation of expansion-oriented “positive” policies (which have some historical association with kokueki policies) and austerity-oriented “negative” policies. One finds a similar tension between market-conforming and market-suppressing policies. Such considerations lead to some new methodological observations on how to conceptualize the oppositions and the timing of economic policy thought.

2009-05-23T05:34:00.004-04:00

2008-05-22T12:01:00.004-04:00

December 12, 2008
Anne Walthall, UC Irvine
Technologies of war and masculine identities: the introduction and diffusion of guns

Did the first guns from Portugal arrive at Tanegashima in 1543? In whose interest was it to make this claim? How effective were the sixteenth century guns? Did they, for example, make a decisive difference in the battle of Nagashino between Oda Nobunaga and the Takeda forces? By asking who used guns, under what circumstances, and how did guns function in relation to other weapons of war, it is possible to use the history of guns in Japan as a perspective from which to assess what it meant to be a military man during the warring states period and how definitions of masculinity changed through to the eighteenth century for various members of the warrior class.

Discussant: Gregory Pflugfelder (Columbia)

2008-05-22T12:06:00.003-04:00

March 13, 2009
Noriko Watanabe (Baruch)
Envisioning Identities: Language Policies and Naming Practice in Japan

What has naming a baby to do with language policies? This is a question that many Japanese name-givers ask. The names that are recorded in the Family Registry, or koseki, must use approved characters: hiragana, katakana, or the 2,928 characters on two specific lists: i.e., the List of Kanji for General Use (常用漢字表) that currently comprises 1,945 characters*, and the List of Kanji for Personal Names (人名用漢字表) that comprises 983 characters.
In general, language policies are often motivated by ideologies of language that link language and linguistic features with social and cultural meanings. The particular governmental policy on character use in question is intended to promote public communication through clear and uncomplicated language by limiting the character set. However, this policy can conflict with private use of language, such as naming a new member of one’s family or community. Kanji’s graphic complexity and semantic potential provide rich resources for name-givers to create linguistic representation of individuality and identity. Disapproval of written forms by the government, therefore, means drawing a boundary on how name-givers can envision the individuality and identity of the new member of society.

In this presentation, I examine this conflict of naming practice with language policies by tracing the history of script policies as well as by exploring naming motivations through actual examples.

Discussant: Patricia Welch (Hofstra)

2008-05-22T12:10:00.003-04:00

May 8, 2009

Daniel Botsman (NC Chapel Hills)
Flowery Tales: Ōe Taku, Outcasts and the Meaning of Meiji Japan's “Emancipatory Moment”

This paper will explore the background to the so-called "Emancipation Edict for Outcasts" (buraku kaihōrei) issued by Japan's Meiji government in 1871. It focuses on the role of Ōe Taku (1847-1921), the official who is generally credited with having first proposed the Edict, but also delves into the social history of one particular outcast community on the outskirts of the newly opened treaty port of Kobe, which Ōe later claimed inspired his interest in the issue. At a thematic level, the paper considers how experiences and stories that carry localized meanings at one point in time come to be appropriated and woven into larger narratives of progress and nation in modern Japan."

Discussant: David Howell (Princeton)

2008-05-22T12:07:00.004-04:00

April 24, 2009

James Bartholomew (Ohio State)
"Gen'ichi Kato's Nobel Candidacy: Nerve Physiology and the Politics of Science, 1924-1937"

During the interwar period, Gen’ichi Kato (1890-1979) gained renown as one of the foremost nerve physiologists in the world for his isolation of single muscle and nerve fibers. This achievement, coming after many years of unsuccessful efforts by others, created a revolution in the specialty and gave medical science a far more precise understanding of the central nervous system than ever before. Nominated for the 1937 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine by Keio University associates, by a colleague from Argentina, and by the great Ivan Pavlov, Kato’s work received a highly favorable evaluation by the Nobel Committee’s designated referee. Nonetheless, Kato received no award on this occasion or any other. My presentation explores Kato’s brilliant, but complicated life. An early victim of vicious attacks by a former mentor and academic rival, Kato was able to survive through the patronage of the famed microbiologist S. Kitasato. Along the way he cultivated relationships with prominent scientists in Europe and the United States. One cannot say exactly why his Nobel candidacy failed, but foreign scientists’ reactions to his aggressive personality, involvement by Japanese officials in the candidacy itself, and the usual distance – geographic, cultural, political – between Japan and Sweden were likely contributing factors.

Discussant: William Johnston (Wesleyan University)

2008-05-22T12:05:00.003-04:00

February 6, 2009
Michael Como (Columbia)

Healer Monks and the Anthropology of Knowledge in Ancient Japan
Although it is commonly assumed that the introduction of the Buddhist tradition into the Japanese islands facilitated the transmission of continental medical practices and understandings of disease, there has been surprisingly little recognition of the degree to which fear of disease in turn shaped the agenda and status of the early Japanese Buddhist tradition. As the origins of disease were commonly understood in terms of malevolent spirits, it is perhaps not surprising that early Buddhist movements and institutions were frequently if not primarily concerned with the propitiation or pacification of hostile super-human entities that were believed to have the ability to bring plague and disaster across the realm. To paraphrase the old commercial, without the struggle against demons and disease, Japanese Buddhism as we know it would not have been possible.
This orientation produced a consistent bias within the Japanese islands for those forms of Buddhism that had most thoroughly absorbed non-Buddhist notions of healing and spirit-quelling that prevailed in China and on the Korean Peninsula. These in turn tended to be centered upon notions of yin and yang, purity and a class of astral deities that were believed to be responsible for the advent for many of the most pernicious ailments that afflicted the human race. Often they utilized texts that blended Indian astrological systems, which utilized divination and horoscopes to determine the fate of individuals based upon their distinctive relationship to astral figures at the time of their birth, with Chinese astrological techniques that were oriented towards understanding the fate of the ruler and the political health of the body politic.
In this paper I will suggest that to understand the early Japanese Buddhism we must therefore look beyond Buddhist scriptures and practices in two important ways. First, in terms of the content, we need to consider the role of what has come to be known as “the Way of Yin and Yang,” or onmyōdō, both within the Japanese Buddhist tradition and within broader cultural and technological spheres of the Japanese islands. In my understanding of this very broad term, I include all rites and legends associated Chinese medicine and astrology, as well as closely related rites of spirit quelling that were predicated upon the manipulation of yin and yang and the invocation of astral deities.
Equally importantly, however, we also need to consider the anthropological dimensions associated with the transmission of knowledge in ancient Japan. If, as seems likely, lineages served as the chief conduit through which knowledge was acquired, produced and transmitted within the Japanese islands, how did the flow of cults and rituals in ancient Japan relate to the transmission of technological knowledge? How was the Japanese Buddhist tradition shaped by lineages that were closely associated with healing rites and technologies? In this paper I will suggest that because lineage was inevitably tied up with issues of ancestry, rank and power, healer monks from a small coterie of lineages repeatedly reached the pinnacles of power in ancient Japan. Since power in turn produced intrigue, slander and retribution, this dynamic also helped produce a series of tragic, if highly interesting careers for some of the most notorious monks of the Nara period. By focusing on the careers of four such monks and paying attention to their lineal affiliations, I will suggest that we can gain new insights into some broader trends in the interactions between the early Japanese Buddhist tradition, onmyōdō and the fear of disease.

Discussant: David Lurie (Columbia)

2008-05-21T23:00:00.005-04:00

November 14, 2008
Mary Alice Haddad (Wesleyan University)
From State to Society: Democratizing Japan's Traditional, Community-based Organizations

At the end of World War II, Japan's traditional, community-based organizations exemplified undemocratic civil society: they were insular, hierarchical, sexist, racist, and highly integrated into a clientelistic local government. This paper tells the story of how, over the course of the next half century, these organizations have adjusted their values, institutions, and practices to become compatible with and contribute to the construction of Japanese democracy. The paper also explains the timing of this shift, which has occurred in the last decade or so, as a result of generational change and reduction in the financial power of the local government.
Discussant: Sheldon Garon (Princeton)

2008-05-22T12:03:00.002-04:00

January 22, 2009
Joint Meeting with Brazil Seminar
Ethel Kominsky
Brazilian-Japanese Families Broken by Transnational Migration

During the last years of the 1920’s, a group of Japanese immigrants settled in a small colony, Bastos, in Sao Paulo State. Some of them came with their families, others came with made-up families in order to comply with Brazilian immigration laws and never saw their relatives again. After achieving success as small cotton farmers, the immigrants had to change to poultry farming due to the declining price of cotton. In the 1980’s due to the Brazilian economic crisis, Japanese-Brazilians, the immigrants’ children and grandchildren, began to migrate back to Japan. The aim of this research carried out from 2005 to 2006 is to understand the lives of the women and children who stayed in Brazil when the men in their family returned to Japan. We observe that these women and children were emotionally and sometimes financially harmed by separation. Children who were left behind stayed with their grandparents or with a live-in housemaid. Sometimes children are depressed and refuse to go to school. One child committed suicide; others increase their demands for clothing or toys from their faraway parents. Still others do not obey their grandparents, who are too old to understand their needs. The grandparents’ situation is not easy either. Sometime the parents do not send money to support their own children. The old Japanese-Brazilian generation which is in charge of the Japanese-Brazilian Association has been trying to help those who are left behind, but they do not have enough resources for that.

2008-05-21T08:22:00.002-04:00

October 10, 2008
Kristin Ingvarsdottir
Peace Movements and Grass-Roots Democracy in Postwar Japan

This paper attempts to identify some major trends in the development of Japan’s postwar peace movements, and against this historical backdrop, point out the significance of changes that have taken place in recent years. The paper pays special attention to the Japanese NGO, Peace Boat, which celebrates its 25th anniversary in 2008. The basic perception proposed here is that the peace movements in Japan demonstrate the most active and dynamic form of grass-root democracy in the country at any given time during the postwar period. That is, that Japan’s peace movements provide the best example of grass-roots democracy in post-war Japan. Furthermore, the author regards Japan‘s antimilitary sentiment as an ever-present, strong undercurrent, or “latent force” in Japanese society, which has appeared in various periods and forms to confront threats to undermine the cornerstones of Japan’s pacifist state or identity. The paper also brings attention to the Peace Boat organization, which, in the view of the author, presents a new form of peace movement that in some ways overcomes the shortcomings of antecedent movements.
Discussant: Kim Brandt (Columbia)

2008-05-20T12:53:00.004-04:00

Outgoing and incoming rapporteur

Nate Shokey will leave for Japan in the fall. We wish him a productive year!
Until then he is busy editing the
first issue of "Proceedings" of the Seminar.
Daniel Poch, also a graduate student in
Japanese literature, will replace Nate in the fall.

2008-04-09T17:25:00.019-04:00

May 9
Herman Ooms (UCLA)
Multiple Choice: Justifications for Rulership in the Tenmu dynasty, 650-750.

Political ideology in ancient Japan was not limited to divine imperial ancestry as spelled out in the "Kojiki" and "Nihon shoki". Mytho-history constituted only one phase or layer of multiple ways of symbolizing Yamato's new ruling authority; and vertical sacralization was only half of its message. Posthumous names for rulers also reveal alternate, patterned ways in which individual reigns were conceived and represented. Daoist symbols were used; some rulers presented themselves as servants of the Buddha. Finally, the new palace-cities of Fujiwara-kyo - and Heijo-kyo - were designed to give spatial expression to the nature of politico-religious rule. This paper analyzes the plurality of these symbolics centered on the Tenmu dynasty.
Discussant: Davie Lurie (Columbia)

2008-03-11T09:28:00.016-04:00

April 7, 2008
Kate Wildman Nakai (Sophia University)
Coming to Terms with “Reverence at Shrines”: Sophia University, the Catholic Church, and the 1932 Yasukuni Shrine Incident

Among the most problematic aspects of Shinto for foreign missionaries and Japanese Christians in the prewar period was “offering reverence at shrines” (jinja sanpai).
Governmental and educational authorities and society at large came increasingly to hold “reverence at shrines” to be a patriotic, moral duty, and schoolchildren were often taken to shrines as part of the ordinary educational routine. The reluctance of Christians to participate in such activities on religious grounds became an ongoing source of friction and criticism.
For the Catholic Church, this issue erupted into a crisis in 1932 when several students from Sophia University, a Jesuit school founded in 1913, failed to “offer reverence” at Yasukuni shrine. The effort to resolve the consequent political and social uproar had several significant consequences. On the one hand, the government came to articulate more fully than previously the character of jinja sanpai. On the other, the Church, reversing its stance on jinja sanpai, eventually adopted the position that “reverence at shrines” could be tolerated as a patriotic duty and social obligation, an act that even if it retained a certain religious form had been emptied of religious content. The incident illuminates various dimensions of State Shinto in the prewar period and invites consideration of ramifications of church-state relations that in recent years have assumed a heightened currency in regard to Yasukuni.
Discussant: Janis Mimura (Stonybrook)

2008-02-09T10:52:00.007-05:00

March 7, 2008
Janis Mimura (SUNY, Stony Brook)
Modernity and Fascism in Interwar Japan

Like the idea of a German Sonderweg in the historiography of Nazi Germany, the view of wartime Japan as a “dark valley” (kurai tanima) has been severely challenged by scholars of Japan. A reflection of the Modernization School of the 1950s and 60s, the term suggests that interwar Japan represented a deviation from the “normal” trajectory of historical development culminating in parliamentary democracy and market capitalism. Since the 1980s, historians have shown how the wartime years represented a period of opportunity and bold experimentation for Japan’s elite. However, modified versions of the modernization approach continue to inform debates on Japanese fascism. Following the main interpretive line of Japan’s late emergence and resulting political backwardness, Japanese fascism is promoted or rejected on the basis of such factors as its lack of a mass leader and party, continuity of conservative, authoritarian rule, frustrated imperialist ambition, and the influence of the feudal and irrational agrarianism and Japanism of the reactionary right.
In this paper I seek to incorporate recent approaches toward modernity into the study of Japanese fascism by highlighting the importance of an interwar conjuncture and historical contingency. I examine the emergence after World War I of a new historical trend of “technocratic modernity” in which the major industrial powers responded to the dual challenge of the rise of technology and mass society. In the wake of the liberal crisis in the early 1930s, Japanese planners sought to combine technocratic planning with ethnic nationalism to implement controversial reforms and appeal to the masses. Leaders experimented with new strategies of planning and mobilization first in Japan-occupied Manchuria and later in Japan’s wartime regime. I argue that it was the specific combination of technocratic planning and cultural particularism in interwar Japan that constituted a new political innovation called fascism.
Discussant: Barbara Brooks (CUNY)

2008-01-21T20:07:00.006-05:00

February 8, 2008

Klaus Antoni (University of Tuebingen, Germany)

Creating a Sacred Narrative: Kojiki Studies and Shinto Nationalism

As is very well known, all of the modern editions of the Kojiki (712 AD) are more or less based on Motoori Norinaga's (re-) constructions of the seemingly original Old Japanese wording of the text, which was written down in Chinese characters by Oho no Yasumaro, following the dictate of Hieda no Are. Extremely interesting in this context is the Kokushi taikei version, dating from 1940. Here the supposed reading dominates the whole edition in a sense that the Chinese original becomes nearly obsolete. As a consequence, one of the editors, Kinoshita Iwao (1894-1980), who also made the first complete German translation of the text (1940, and later again 1976), prepared a completely romaji version of the Kokushi taikei text, which was supposed to be an effigy of the “real” old Japanese narrative, without any hint to Chinese characters (and connotations?). This method can be interpreted as a “purification" of this text from all Chinese characteristics, thus perfectly fitting into the anti Chinese discourse of the 1940ies and, more general, the condemnation of the seemingly evil karagokoro (“Chinese spirit”), which was so fundamentally criticized by Motoori Norinaga and later nationalists.
When looking at the text this way, it becomes clear that the Kojiki in modern times became that important only because of the linguistic constructions by Norinaga and his successors. It were the ideological ideas and connotations behind the visible text that made it so important for modern usage, and therefore the Kojiki could be taken as a modern text, too, as a kind of nativistic “invented tradition” or an example of “traditionalistic” texts in Japan. These questions are of high importance for our understanding of the Kojiki’s function within modern nationalistic discourse, and it seems interesting that it was a Japanese scholar, who made the first German translation, having been responsible for the first complete romaji edition in 1940.

Discussant: Haruo Shirane (Columbia)

2008-01-18T10:10:00.002-05:00

January 18, 2008
Yasuko Morooka (NYU)
Bilingual education for foreign and minority children in Japan and the

United States and its role for eliminating racial discrimination

In her paper, Yasuko Morooka explores a way to

provide adequate bilingual education for foreign

and minority students in Japan and theUnited

States that would meet the stipulations in

international humanrights conventions,

such as the 1965 International Convention

ofElimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.

Discussants: Noriko Watanabe (Baruch College), Haengja Chung (Hamilton College)

2007-12-14T10:00:00.002-05:00

December 14, 2007

Gregory Smits (Penn. State)
The Ansei Edo Earthquake of 1855 as a Political Event

At approximately 10pm on the second day of the tenth month, 1855 (11 November) an earthquake with a Richter magnitude estimated between 6.9 and 7.2 shook Edo.

The reverberations of the Ansei Edo Earthquake continued long after the earth stopped shaking. The event functioned as a catalyst for the emergence of public opinion and for growing doubts about the bakufu's ability to govern. Edo's residents tended to read the earthquake as an act of cosmic intervention to rectify a society that had become severely imbalanced or sick. Among the common people of Edo, the earthquake helped further to refine an emerging vision of Japan as a natural political community blessed by the deities. Catfish picture prints (namazu-e) were the means by which ordinary people adumbrated this new vision, and they constituted a powerful form of political rhetoric for a group theoretically forbidden from engaging in political discourse.

Discussant: Amanda Stinchecum

2007-11-09T00:21:00.002-05:00

November 9, 2007
Charlotte Eubanks (Penn. State)
The Hell of No Secrets: Human Rights Museums and the Shaping of Collective Memory

Anxieties about the relationship between memory and external record have long been with us and are well articulated from the time of Plato’s Phaedrus to
Leibnitz’s musings concerning fallible memory and the paper record, and more recently yet, Pierre Nora’s broodingly nostalgic worries that memory deformation; by history is a hallmark of the modern age. The discussion continues into the contemporary period, with Paul Ricoeur’s meditative examination of memory and history, forgetting and forgiving as interrelated enigmas; and Andreas Huyssen’s studies of memorial politics and cultural amnesia.
Scholarship has been particularly rich in areas relating to Holocaust memory, memorials to the Latin American disappeared and other various legacies of modern human rights violations. As the breadth of this scholarship shows, we continue to struggle, on a global scale, with the question of how our histories should remember the horrors visited by humans upon other humans, and we often expect our museums, as public institutions, to make those histories memorable.
Explicating the continuing success of the US Holocaust Museum in contrast to the Smithsonian’s failure to win public support for its Enola Gay exhibit,
Susan Crane provides an insightful and suggestive reading of the memory-artifact crux. She argues that, “Horror devoid of voyeurism is a powerful
teaching tool which draws on personal experience and creates memory; insistence on either superior historical knowledge or undistorted personal memory, each to the exclusion of the other, is not.”
This statement might be considered a summation of the curatorial directives of a human rights museum and it provides a point of departure for considering the close articulation between viewing practices and the shaping of memory.
This paper will concentrate on depictions of the nuclear aftermath of Hiroshima painted by the husband and wife team of Maruki Iri and Maruki Toshi between 1950 and 1982.In addition, I will consider their retrospective piece “Hell”; painted in 1985, as a lens that provides the opportunity to focus more precisely on the dynamic and moral aspects of their work. A close examination of their murals will reveal the degree to which the Marukis move from depictions based on personal memory, to the creation of collaborative pieces of what might be termed collective memorial art. The main goal of the paper will be to identify the particular compositional practices and viewing strategies cultivated by a successful human rights museum, of which the Maruki Museum is an early—indeed, perhaps the earliest—example.
Discussant: Theodore F. Cook (William Paterson University)

2007-10-19T20:36:00.002-04:00

October 19, 2007
Kristine Dennehy (Cal. State Fullerton)
Censorship and the Monitoring of Ethnic Korean Education in Occupied Japan

This talk will examine the activities of ethnic Korean activists and educators in the immediate postwar years in Japan.
It is based on an examination of local ethnic Korean newspapers and journal articles, all of which were censored by the SCAP authorities between 1946 and 1949. While the dynamics of the Cold War are clearly evident in the markings of the American censors, the writings and sentiments of ethnic Koreans add another element of nationalist rhetoric to this struggle that was dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. These publications devoted particular attention to historically informed critiques of the recently defeated Japanese empire and calls for a unified Korean homeland. Both of these issues were also at the center of the educational agenda of ethnic Korean schools in cities like Kobe and Tokyo, as well as more provincial cities throughout Japan. An examination of these publications reveals how ethnic Koreans in Japan contributed to a transnational dialogue and negotiation over these highly contested issues such as evaluations of Japan's recent imperial past and the prospects for a unified Korea.

Discussant: Marlene Mayo (University of Maryland )